Der Amerikaner wird den support einstellen, sowohl finanziell als auch militärisch.

Wenn ich das richtig mitbekommen habe war ein TASS-Reporter Russlands gestern im Oval Office mit dabei, diplomatische Beziehungen zwischen Russland und USA werden durch das Öffnen der Botschaften besiegelt, wirtschaftliche Beziehungen werden danach folgen.

Selensky und die Ukraine werden das nicht aufhalten können, eher wird er - bzw. ist er schon fallengelassen worden wie eine heiße Kartoffel - gestern sind die Garde-Militärpoilzisten ins Weiße Haus gerannt - die Ukrainer wurden des Hauses verwiesen.

Für mich ist erstaunlich wie lange die Ukraine durchgehalten hat - ob man das nicht erreichen der gesteckten Ziele Kapitulation bezeichnet und damit das Töten beendet oder Frieden ist mir als Zuschauer egal.

Ich seh das aber realistisch, solange eine große Mehrheit in Europa meint, dass Selensky weitermachen soll und solange immer noch Ukrainer interviewt werden und sagen, sie werden gewinnen und die Ukraine sei eine stolze und zähe Nation - solange geht das Sterben weiter.

Genau, und die anderen Länder die Putin haben will gleich mit. :confused:

Wer oder was genau würde da aus Trumps Sicht die Ukraine vor oder bei weiteren Angriffen schützen? Die bloße Anwesenheit amerikanischen Mitarbeiter vor Ort?

Egal ob Trump offiziell der russische Agent "Krasnov" ist oder nicht, er verhält sich exakt so, als wäre er es.
Die Russen feiern ihn nicht nur dafür als ihren Helden, sondern haben auch sein gestriges Verhalten vorhergesagt!

Russian Lawmaker Predicted the Trump-Vance Ambush of Zelensky

It’s only a conspiracy theory if I don’t like it.

https://youtu.be/JQm-JaW_wOI?si=PeNV2CY3IWEkWPbc

Noch ein netter Artikel:

"The Putinization of America
Trump’s deference to the Russian dictator has become full-blown imitation.

By Garry Kasparov

We are barely a month into the second presidential term of Donald Trump and he has made his top priorities clear: the destruction of America’s government and influence and the preservation of Russia’s.

Unleashing Elon Musk and his DOGE cadres on the federal government, menacing Canada and European allies, and embracing Vladimir Putin’s wish list for Ukraine and beyond are not unrelated. These moves are all strategic elements of a plan that is familiar to any student of the rise and fall of democracies, especially the “fall” part.

The sequence is painfully familiar to me personally, because I marched in the streets as it played out in Russia at the start of the 21st century. With ruthless consistency, and the tacit approval of Western leaders, Putin and his oligarch supporters used his fair-ishly elected power to make sure that elections in Russia would never matter again.

Of course, American institutions and traditions are far stronger than Russia’s fragile post-Soviet democracy was when Putin took over from Boris Yeltsin, who had already done his share of damage before anointing the former KGB lieutenant colonel to be his successor in 1999. But those who dismissed my warnings that yes, it can happen here at the start of Trump’s first term, in 2017, got quieter after the insurrection on January 6, 2021, and are almost silent now.

Trump’s personal affinity for dictators was apparent early on. His praise for Putin and other elected leaders turned strongmen, such as Turkey’s Recep Tayyip Erdoğan and Hungary’s Viktor Orbán, was tinged with undisguised envy. No feisty parliament to wrangle. The free press turned into a propaganda machine for the administration. The justice system unleashed against the opposition. Elections staged only for show. What’s not to like?

Putin and Russia always held a special place in Trump world, however. Russian intelligence and propaganda worked full-time to promote Trump once he won the Republican nomination to face Hillary Clinton in 2016. WikiLeaks, long in the service of Russian intelligence but still nurturing its old whistleblower image, fed hacked documents to a naively cooperative American media. The Mueller Report makes the degree of cooperation between various Russian assets and the Trump campaign clear—damningly so, despite years of MAGA crying “Russia hoax” because Special Counsel Robert Mueller decided not to prosecute.

Trump made Paul Manafort his campaign chair in May 2016, turning the Russia alarm bells into air-raid sirens for anyone paying attention. Manafort was a former fixer for Ukrainian President Victor Yanukovych, who attempted to thwart Ukrainians’ desire to join Europe only to be deposed by the Maidan Revolution of Dignity and forced to flee to Moscow in 2014.

Manafort’s recent expertise was mostly in money and reputation laundering. Adding him to the campaign when Trump’s oddly pro-Putin rhetoric (“strong leader,” “loves his country,” “you think our country is so innocent?”) was already drawing attention seemed a little too on the nose: Why double down? From affinity, the campaign tilted into deeply suspicious fealty toward the Kremlin. Manafort’s subsequent plea of guilty for conspiracy to defraud the United States, and Trump’s later pardon, only threw more wood on the raging collusion fire.
[...]"

Selensky war schon oft an der Front. Putin und seine Minister nie. Trump und Vance nichtmal in Kiew.

Was hat das eine mit dem anderen zu tun?